Seperation of Powers essays

Seperation of Powers papers The Judicial Branch in Regard to Separation of Powers The Doctrine of Separation of forces is that political force ought to be partitioned among a few bodies as a precautionary measure against oppression. The perfect is contradicted the total power of the Crown, Parliament, or some other body. The diagram for United States partition of forces is spread out in the U.S. Constitution and developed in the Federalist Papers. The balanced governance of the US government include the flat division of forces among the official (the Presidency), the assembly (the two places of Congress themselves organized to check and parity each other), and the legal executive (the administrative courts). There is additionally a vertical partition between the national government and the states. Safeguards of partition of forces demand that it is required against oppression, including the oppression of the lion's share. Its rivals contend that sway must lie some place, and that it is better, and ostensibly progressively law based, to guarantee that it generally exists in a similar body. The United States needed to instate a legislature organized so that each branch was discrete yet equivalent. We will see, in any case, that it isn't generally a high contrast game plan and that the legal branch has frequently wound up in the ill defined situation of sway. The hypothetical thinking behind the requirement for partition of forces is spread out by Publius (Jefferson and Madison) fundamentally in Federalist Papers # 49 51. In American talk partition of forces is even more a name than an exact depiction. In application, none of the three branches is truly independent from the others. This was the contention that James Madison tended to in The Federalist, no 47. The Anti-Federalist charge was that The few offices are mixed in such a way as immediately to crush all balance and magnificence of structure, and to uncover a portion of the basic pieces of the building to the threat o... <!

The Impact of Divorce on Children Essay -- Family Issues

Separation, when unfathomable among a great many people, is presently an ordinary event in families when the grown-ups have concluded that they can no longer work out their disparities. Tragically, separate from will in general negatively affect the kids in the family, especially influencing youngsters who as of now have mental or enthusiastic troubles, for example, ADHD (Patten, 1999). Issues that emerge in offspring of separation run the extent from social issues to later relationship/trust issues. Offspring of separation more regularly show social issues at school than do youngsters from flawless families, with the exception of when misuse is available in the home (Corcoran, 1997). Offspring of separation additionally experience more scholarly difficulty than kids from unblemished homes. This remains constant regardless of how their scholastic accomplishment is scored, whether by grades, state administered tests, or dropout rates, offspring of separation will in general have less fortunate scores than kids in a two parent home (Patten, 1999). The issues looked by offspring of separation differ contingent upon the child’s age at the hour of the separation. Young kids (under age two) may not encounter issues at everything except from age three to age five, youngsters may turn out to be progressively forceful, weepy, and relapse to more youthful conduct, for example, returning to trouble with free toileting or requiring the solace of a familiar object (Patten, 1999). Preschool age kids may pull back, wanting to invest energy alone as opposed to playing with other kids. They may likewise search out the consideration of grown-ups all the more regularly or turn out to be progressively on edge or irate (Patten, 1999). Little youngsters are likewise regularly given to dreams about their parents’ compromise (Corcoran, 1997). More seasoned young youngsters will in general attempt and adapt to the situati... ... Works Cited Corcoran, K. (1997, June) Psychological and enthusiastic parts of separation. Web. 20 March 2015 http://www.mediate.com/articles/psych.cfm?vm=r Foulkes-Jamison, L. (2001, January 1) The impacts of separation on youngsters. Gainesville Family Magazine. Web. 20 March 2015 http://cpancf.com/articles_files/efffectsdivorceonchildren.asp?vm=r Patten, P. (1999) Divorce and kids part I: A meeting with Robert Hughes, Jr., PhD. Parent News Web. 20 March 2015 http://www.athealth.com/customer/issue/childrendivorce.html?vm=r Shaw, D and Ingoldsby, E. Offspring of separation. Web. 20 March 2015 http://www.pitt.edu/ppcl/Publications/sections/children_of_divorce.htm?vm=r Temke, M. (2006) The impacts of separation on kids. College of New Hampshire distribution. Web. 20 March 2015 http://extension.unh.edu/Family/Documents/divorce.pdf?vm=r

My First Career Fair Experience

My First Career Fair Experience As someone who aims to attend graduate school, I did not think about going to career fairs until my senior year. However, as one of my friends said: “It’s a totally unique experience from our school work, and you will find it useful in all aspects.” Therefore, I went to the Engineering Career Fair on September 2, and I had to admit that I have learnt quite a lot. Before Career Fair I had my resume reviewed a couple times both by advisors and my friends before the career fair. An outstanding resume is one of the most important parts because recruiters only have a couple minutes to scan them, and then decide whether they would schedule an interview or not. It would be nice if resumes are printed on specific paper, but nowadays most companies take photos as electronic copies, and they will ask us to apply online anyway. I also prepared an elevator pitch about my recent research experiences, and related courses I have taken. In order to impress recruiters, I have to speak fast, fluently and use keywords. During Career Fair To be honest, I did not expect such a crowd and the long time I have to wait in the line to speak with a recruiter. (Probably because those companies are very popular.) Thanks to the Illinois Career Fair App and our new career service called “Handshake, I could narrow my targets and find their locations quickly solely by using my phone. It was extremely tiring, but I got the chance to ask my dream companies’ expectations, useful courses and necessary skills I need to acquire. After Career Fair This time, I only got one feedback, but I’m not too upset about it. Attending career fairs is just one of many ways our school provides us to get a job. I did agree with my friend that it was a great chance to understand the job market and explore possibilities of ourselves. Now I am not afraid of facing my shortcomings because I still have time to improve them, then show my advantages to employers. I am really looking forward to the next career fair, and I wish everyone good luck! Connie Class of 2018 I am double majoring in Computer Engineering in the College of Engineering and Statistics in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. My hometown is a historical and peaceful city called Suzhou, located in southeastern China.

George Clinton - Fourth U. S. Vice President

George Clinton (July 26, 1739 - April 20, 1812) served from 1805 to 1812 as the fourth vice president in the administrations of both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. As Vice President, he set up the precedent of not bringing focus to himself and instead simply presiding over the Senate.   Early Years George Clinton was born on July 26, 1739, in Little Britain, New York, a little more than seventy miles north of New York City. The son of farmer and local politician Charles Clinton and Elizabeth Denniston, not much is known of his early educational years although he was privately tutored until he joined his father to fight in the French and Indian War.   Clinton rose through the ranks to become a lieutenant during the French and Indian War. After the War, he returned to New York to study law with a well-known attorney named William Smith. By 1764 he was a practicing attorney and the following year he was named the district attorney.   In 1770, Clinton married Cornelia Tappan. She was a relative of the wealthy Livingston clan who were wealthy landowners in the Hudson Valley that were distinctly anti-British as the colonies moved closer to open rebellion. In 1770, Clinton cemented his leadership in this clan with his defense of a member of the Sons of Liberty who had been arrested by the royalists in charge of the New York assembly for seditious libel.   Revolutionary War Leader Clinton was nominated to represent New York at the Second Continental Congress which was held in 1775. However, in his own words, he was not a fan of legislative service. He was not known as an individual who spoke up. He soon decided to leave the Congress and join the war effort as a Brigadier General in the New York Militia. He helped stop the British from gaining control of the Hudson River and was recognized as a hero. He was then named a Brigadier General in the Continental Army.   Governor of New York In 1777, Clinton ran against his old wealthy ally Edward Livingston to be Governor of New York. His win showed that the power of the old wealthy families was dissolving with the ongoing revolutionary war. Even though he left his military post to become the states governor, this did not stop him from returning to military service when the British tried to help reinforce the entrenched General John Burgoyne. His leadership meant that the British were unable to send help and Burgoyne eventually had to surrender at Saratoga.   Clinton served as Governor from 1777-1795 and again from 1801-1805. While he was extremely important in helping with the war effort by coordinating New York forces and sending money to support the war effort, he still always kept a New York first attitude. In fact, when it was announced that a tariff was to be considered that would greatly impact New Yorks finances, Clinton realized that a strong national government was not in his states best interests. Because of this new understanding, Clinton was strongly opposed to the new Constitution that would replace the Articles of Confederation.   However, Clinton soon saw the writing on the wall that the new Constitution would be approved. His hopes shifted from opposing ratification to becoming the new Vice President under George Washington in the hopes of adding amendments that would limit the reach of the national government. He was opposed by the Federalists who saw through this plan including Alexander Hamilton and James Madison who worked to have John Adams elected as Vice President instead.   Vice Presidential Candidate From Day One Clinton did run in that first election, but was defeated for the vice presidency by John Adams. It is important to remember that at this time the vice presidency was determined by a separate vote from the President so running mates did not matter.   In 1792, Clinton ran again, this time with the support of his former foes including Madison and Thomas Jefferson. They were unhappy with Adams nationalist ways. However, Adams once again carried the vote. Nonetheless, Clinton received enough votes to be considered a future viable candidate.   In 1800, Thomas Jefferson approached Clinton to be his vice-presidential candidate which he agreed to. However, Jefferson eventually went with Aaron Burr. Clinton never fully trusted Burr and this distrust was proven when Burr would not agree to allow Jefferson to be named President when their electoral votes were tied in the election. Jefferson was named president in the House of Representatives. To prevent Burr from re-entering New York politics, Clinton was once again elected Governor of New York in 1801.   Ineffectual Vice President In 1804, Jefferson replaced Burr with Clinton. After his election, Clinton soon found himself left out of any important decisions. He stayed away from the social atmosphere of Washington. In the end, his primary job was to preside over the Senate, which he was not very effective at either.   In 1808, it became obvious that the Democratic-Republicans would choose James Madison as their candidate for the presidency. However, Clinton felt it was his right be chosen as the next presidential candidate for the party. However, the party felt different and instead named him to be Vice President under Madison instead. Despite this, he and his supporters continued to behave as if they were running for the presidency and made claims against Madisons fitness for office. In the end, the party stuck with Madison who won the presidency. He opposed Madison from that point on, including breaking the tie against the recharter of the National Bank in defiance of the president.   Death While in Office Clinton died while in office as Madisons Vice President on April 20, 1812. He was the first individual to lie in state in the US Capitol. He was then buried at the Congressional Cemetery. Members of Congress also wore black armbands for thirty days after this death.   Legacy Clinton was a revolutionary war hero who was immensely popular and important in early New York politics. He served as the Vice President for two presidents. However, the fact that he was not consulted and did not truly affect any national politics while serving in this position helped set a precedent for an ineffectual Vice President.   Learn More George Clinton, 4th Vice President (1805-1812), US Senate BiographyKaminski, John P.  Ã‚  George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the New Republic.  New York State Commission on the Bicentennial of the United States Constitution, University of Wisconsin--Madison Center for the Study of the American Constitution (Rowman Littlefield, 1993).

Book review on “House Rules” by Piccoult, Jodi

Book review on: â€Å"House Rules† by Piccoult, Jodi Book synopsis The book, â€Å"House Rules† is one of the selling books that interestingly narrates the story of a young boy who faced difficulty in expressing himself hence feels out of place. The book, â€Å"House Rules† vividly identifies how the disabled in the society face oppression from the other members of society. The normal human beings who lack any form of disability take advantage hence harm the less privileged especially the disabled. The author of the book, Jodi vividly narrates the story of Jacob a young boy who was suffering from Aspergers syndrome. In the first chapter of the book, â€Å"House Rules† the author, Jodi, illustrates a mother by the name Emma who faces challenges to raise her kids. This is for the key reason that her husband escapes and denies the responsibility of taking care of the children. Emma a mother of two, Jacob and Theo decides to take care of her own children. Although Jacob disability because of the Aspergers syndrome is unique, she does not give up. However, as a loving mother, she struggles to ensure that the children live in a happy and normal life. Just like the other mothers, Emma tries her level best to ensure that Jacob his life just like a normal child (Piccoult, 2011.p, 56). In the analysis of the plot of the book, â€Å"House Rules† the author narrates that Emma’s elder son Jacob suffers from a unique disease that makes him unable to communicate with ease. The physician informs Jacob Hunt, who is still young, that he suffers from Aspergers syndrome. The disease makes it almost difficulty for Jacob to relate with the society in a usual manner. Jacob mainly faces difficulty in expressing himself to the other friends and adults. In the book, the author informs the reader â€Å"The Aspergers syndrome makes it almost difficult for Jacob to read and write† (Piccoult, 2011. P.123). Therefore, Jacob faces difficult in attending to the education system, which requires students who can read and write. The poor background of the family does not allow the mother to afford fees for the special schools for Jacobs Asperser syndrome condition. Being a kid, Jacob makes efforts to concentrate in one playing field, which makes him adopt to the society in which he feels he is not part of because of the disability. Jacob is sensitive gets attracted to forensic analysis, which makes him attracted to criminal activities. He spends most of the daytime in his room studying and listening to the criminal activities through the police scanner. This makes it be possible for Jacob to understand the cause of illegal activities and measures that the police implement to manage to control crime in the society. The author of the book, Jodi identifies that Jacob secretly participates in contributing to solving of the criminal problems. Jacob learns to reveal all the wrong undertaken in the society. He also learns to inform the police and analyze the rate of crime in the town. The climax in the book, â€Å"House Rules†, is when the author Jodi identifies that a crucial murder incident took place in the town that Emma and the family lived. The police investigate in diverse places in the entire town and lack enough evidence that can assist in the solving of the murder activities. The police later decide to visit Emma’s home and interview Jacob with questions concerning the crime. Jacob gives response to the questions, but the behavior makes him suspicious to the police officers. The climax of the book, â€Å"House Rules† is when Jacob is arrested as the chief suspect for the murder of the tutor. Since Jacob faced difficulty with communication, Emma hired a tutor to assist Jacob in learning how to read and write. The climax of the book is when the police approach Jacob and arrested later as the chief suspect for the murder of his tutor. Jodi the author of the book vividly identifies that Emma complains in the manner in which the police approaches the house and arrest Jacob for murder. â€Å"The Townsend policemen showing up at my house today to berate me (at best) and arrest Jacob (at worse). Isn’t it a misdemeanor to tamper with a police investigation?† (Piccoult, 45). The hallmark behavior, attributed by the Aspergers disorder, makes Jacob to emerge as a key suspect to the police officers. Answering the police questions while looking down and avoiding the police eyes makes him a suspect. Jodi the author of the book illustrates, â€Å"The twitches and tics that Jacob makes contribute to the suspicion hence his charged guilty of murder† (Piccoult 254). Emma, Jacobs’s mother try to explain to the police officer of the disability that his son faces, but after a clinical check up, Jacob then apprehended and tried in the court of law for murder. Jacob is identified as the key suspect of the indecent since he is found with blood all over his jacket after the end of the tutoring session. Jacob is arrested and sent to jail for a crime he did not commit. The author illustrates, â€Å"He stuck in a jail cell somewhere in the basement, for God’s sake† (Piccoult 197). Jacob is sent to jail for a period of two weeks. However, since Emma knew that his son was not guilty, she finds an attorney to rescue his son from the false allegations. â€Å"As Jacob is pulled out of the courtroom against silent, the time head to a two-week stay in jail† (Piccoult 199). However, after several court cases, Jacob was released from jail since he was found not guilty of the murder of tutor. Jodi who is the author of the book, â€Å"House Rules† faces difficult in understanding how human beings can lack knowledge and respect to the disabled in the community. She identifies that the key reason that prompts her to write the book is the fact that the society has lacked to appreciate the disabled. In acknowledgement of the book, â€Å"House Rules†, Jodi explains that the chief aspect that contributed to her writing the book is the idea that she gained from her cousin’s autistic condition. Jodi suggests that, in numerous occasions, her cousin faced problem when handling society related allegations. In most cases, Jodi’s aunt is reported for child abuse, and yet she was protecting her son from harm. For this reason, the author of the book decided to notify the people of the challenges that the disabled people face in the society. Jodi also notifies the reader about the numerous problems that the disabled families face such as rejection and tribulations from the rest society. In compiling the book, Jodi tries to inform the society that disabled people also ought to be respect and assisted by the normal people who are the majority in the society. The key audience and future in the entire book is the society in general and specifically the people that neglect the disabled and handicapped. The disabled people in the society require attention just like the normal human beings since the disabled cannot take care of their own need. The disabled in the community ought to receive treatment with respect and given a chance to associate with others freely since it is not their wish to be born without normal conditions (Baker Welkowitz, 2005). The normal human beings have the capability looking after the sick. Jodi identifies that the human beings have lacked the appropriate wisdom to take exceptional care of the disabled. Therefore, in the entire book, the author, Jodi tries to enlighten the society the importance of taking care of the disabled in the society (Attwood, 2008). In the book, â€Å"House Rules† the discussion focuses on disability as the main theme since the storyline is on Jacob who is suffering from Aspergers syndrome. In most of the events of the book, the author discusses disability, thus informing the society on how to appreciate the other less privileged members of the society. In the chapters of the book, the author recognizes disability to be a substantial problem in the society, which many normal people refrain from hence avoiding responsibility. Jodi identifies that disability in the world is just like any other sickness. For this reason, Jodi tries to reveal the appropriate ways in which people can appreciate the disabled persons in the society (Shieber, 2004). The author of the book, Jodi, is accurate in delivering the information concerning Aspergers syndrome (Anderson, 2008). The book also vividly summarizes the effects of the Aspergers syndrome. However, the book, â€Å"House Rules† lacks the exact actions to be undertaken in disabled situations. The book focuses mainly on the informing and narration aspect of the disease rather than giving immediate solutions to the problems associated with disability. However, almost the entire society gains from reading the novel since it give more information concerning Aspergers syndrome. References Attwood, T. (2008). The complete guide to Aspergers syndrome. London: Jessica Kingsley Anderson, J. (2008). Aspergers Syndrome, New York: Lulu.com, 2008 Baker, L., Welkowitz, L. (2005). Aspergers Syndrome: Intervening in Schools, Clinics, and Communities, London: Routledge Picoult, J. (2011). House rules. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen Unwin Shieber, S. M. (2004). The Turing test: Verbal behavior as the hallmark of intelligence. Cambrigde, Mass: MIT Press.

The Importance of Ethical Leadership Free Essays

Ethical leadership is the foundation to successful leadership. There is no substitute for honesty and integrity inside and outside of the workplace. It is something that is extremely difficult to earn back. We will write a custom essay sample on The Importance of Ethical Leadership or any similar topic only for you Order Now Once someone’s ethical persona has been Jeopardized that person may not ever be able to regain it, especially if that person continues to work among the same peers. Ethical leadership sets the tone for the culture of the organization. In the article The Ethical Commitment to Compliance: Building Value-Based Cultures, it mentions that a study was done to ompare and contrast the effectiveness of a rules-and-punishment approach with a values-and-integrity approach to compliance. They found that programs had fewer reports of unethical conduct, higher levels of ethical awareness, more employees seeking advice about ethical issues, and a higher likelihood of employees reporting violations. These ethics are instilled from the leadership down to the employees. There is clear empirical evidence that a leader and culture built on ethics will benefit the organization through the integrity of its employees. The rticle goes on to say that leaders of an organization can greatly improve the overall quality and integrity of the organization by focusing on the executive leader’s policies and the actions of the supervisors to lead with procedural fairness. This shows that ethical leadership can be proven by the equality of the processes that are implemented. The article concludes that the â€Å"role for the ethics and compliance officer [is] a values-based approach, in which organizations seek to motivate employees to develop and act on ethical values† and that it â€Å"is a more effective pproach to managing rule adherence. † The value-based approached discussed in the article is instilled from the top down. It is important that the leadership of the organization establish this ethical standard. Once the employees understand that ethics are the norm and values will be embraced, it is a lot easier for them to adhere to the ethical standards of the leadership. Any unethical behavior performed by leaders can potentially give peers an excuse to participate in unethical behavior themselves. In the article Who’s With Me? False Consensus and Ethical Decision Making, it states â€Å"people tend to see their choices and attitudes as being consistent with others’ choices and attitudes, which, in turn, leads them to interpret their actions and beliefs as ‘common and appropriate†. Leaders set the example. If they waiver on their perceived ethical behavior, it could have repercussions with their peers who let unethical behavior become more commonplace. This is further illustrated in the article Rational Cheaters vs. Intrinsic Motivators when it states â€Å"there are conscience-driven employees whose empathy toward their employer overns whether theyll consider cheating†. An employee’s view of their leaders may potentially have a corresponding effect with how ethical they are in the workplace.  Also you can read a rather interesting article about an Ethical Flaw. In the article The Leader Machine by Geoff Colvin, it states â€Å"most companies have enunciated values that include respect for the individual, good citizenship and integrity. When company leaders also become leaders of charities, schools, and other nonprofits, they snow their commitment to those values, encouraging and inspiring employees. † This example shows the importance of leadership choosing virtuous principles. Not only should leaders behave ethically, but it is also important to inspire their employees by participating in giving back to the community. Robert Mueller, in the chapter The Networking Leader, wonderfully summarizes â€Å"Trust, mutuality, and ethics are essential. The high road to success lies in cultivating authentic, win-win relationships, inside the organization and out, while operating at the highest standards of ethics. † Thus, the evidence continues to point out that ethical leadership is irreplaceable. It is vital to the health and success of any organization achieving for greatness. How to cite The Importance of Ethical Leadership, Papers

Strategic Management Corporate Finance

Question: Write a 2,500-word report critically analysing how the strategy of merger and acquisition has been used in the energy sector during the oil price drop of 2014 to 2016. The report should include the application of two appropriate academic models. One academic model should focus on internal and external factors. The other model used in the report should focus on strategy. You should also consider the following when carrying out your research: The report should include appropriate energy examples of merger and acquisition deals during the oil price drop of 2014 to 2016, and should critically analyse the challenges and benefits of merger and acquisition as a strategy within the energy sector. The report should not analyse any ongoing merger or acquisition deals. Answer: Introduction During the period of 2014 to 2016, the energy sector suffered due to the drop in the oil price. In order to achieve a balance between the short term viability and also to maintain their long term goals and investments, most of the organizations in the energy sector opt for the strategy of merger and acquisition (Taillard 2013). It has been found that the drop in the oil price has impacted the profits as well as the spending of the firms on their projects. Thus, various companies of the energy sector implemented various strategies in order to stabilize or to improve their financial position by either earning access to resources, technology or new markets. It has been noted that most of the organizations in the energy sector implement the merger and acquisition strategy in order to maintain their financial position in the highly competitive market. In this report, two academic models of merger and acquisition have been discussed firstly, strategic management model of merger and acquis ition in order to focus on strategy and policies of a firm. Secondly, the report focuses on risk management model of merger and acquisition that highlights the both external and internal factors of an organization (Shimizu 2012). Merger and acquisition The terminologies Merger and Acquisition are generally referred as MAs and these are considered as the most important part of the corporate restructuring. Merger is defined as a combination of two organizations that creates a new company. On the other hand, acquisition is defined as the purchase of one firm by another, where no new firm is formed. It has been found that merger and acquisition involve various transactions. These include acquisitions, mergers, tender offers, consolidations, management acquisitions and purchase of assets (Ross, Westerfield and Jordan 2014). In every case of merger and acquisition, two firms are involved, where the acquiring company offers another company to buy its entire assets or to acquire some of its assets. The basic concept of merger and acquisition is the consolidation of two firms, where by acquiring the assets of another company or by merging two companies; the management of the particular firm intends to earn synergy over the present financia l condition of the firms individually. Therefore, the concept and the understandability of both mergers and acquisitions are considered as an important factor, especially in todays world (Ross, Westerfield and Jordan 2013). It has been noted that in some of the particular sectors, the probability of occurring merger and acquisition is relatively more than other sectors. These include telecommunications, chemicals, oil, IT, pharmaceuticals and finance. Merger generally takes place between those two companies which are equal in stature and in size along with their cooperation (Ross 2012). Therefore, merger is also known as merger of equals. On the contrary, it can be said that in case of acquisitions, one firm purchases another, especially the smaller organizations such that they get absorbed within the parent company. the company that is being acquired by another is termed as target company. Implementation of strategic model Strategic Management: Merger and Acquisition At initial level, it has been noted that the mergers and acquisitions were simply the financial transactions that aims to control the target and the undervalued assets of an industry that is much different from the core business of the acquirer. Here, the main aim was to make the cash flows sufficient for the debt repayment. However, as per Hitt, Ireland and Hoskisson (2013), the concept of mergers and acquisitions are totally different in recent days. Thus, during the period of 2014 to 2016, most of the companies in the energy sector opt for the implementation of the merger and acquisition strategy. The reason behind this is that in present days, the typical merger and acquisition of the companies are considered as an operational and strategic in nature. The strategy that has been implemented during the merger and acquisition of energy companies in the time period 2014 2016 includes different perceptions of the managers. According to Lynch (2012), during the period of oil price dro p, the managers do not justify the action of merger and acquisition as a mere purchase of undervalued assets. Rather, it has been found that the managers of the energy sector consider this activity of merger and acquisition as purchasing of installed customer bases, greater geographical boundaries, better distribution channels, a variety of new talent and organizational competencies. Therefore, it has been found that during the period of oil price drop, most of the companies in energy sector undergo merger and acquisition in order to maintain their profit percentage and long term investment (Raimbault and Barr 2012). All of the acquired factors thus in turn offer much strategic opportunities to the firms such that the organizations in the energy sector can gain an edge over the products and services of the competitors. Thus, it has been found that the organizations of the energy sector are still running successfully in this competitive market even during and after the oil price drop in the year 2014 to 2016. Opined to Olivas-Lujan and Bondarouk (2013), the strategic planning has been emphasized by the firms as a vital instrument that leads to the success of the business. As per Lasserre (2012), many studies have been conducted in this regard and the outcome of these studies reveals that hardly ever the managers had any strategic rationale for the activities of merger and acquisition. In addition to this, the managers had seldom any idea regarding the impact of these activities that might have on the organizations of the energy sector in the upcoming periods. Nevertheless, the managers of the organizations have recently changed their emphasis from saving cost to using the concept of merger and acquisition as a strategic driver for the growth in the corporations. There are various reasons regarding mergers and acquisitions to be justified. The companies under the energy sector that have undertaken such deals of merger and acquisition can either be a complete failure or can be a gain from them. Therefore, the alignment of the strategic plans of the organizations with their plans regarding merger and acquisition is considered as an important factor (Pitt and Koufopoulos 2012). The reason behind this is that this alignment of the strategic plans with the plans of merger and acquisition of an organization can only make the activity of merger and acquisition of the firm effective and successful. This can be done by the help of an effective instrument i.e. due diligence which involves the screening of all the acquisition targets and the potential mergers. Implementation of Risk management model The risk management model is the most suitable one that helps the organizations of the energy sector to focus on internal as well as external factors in order to analyze the process by which the strategy of merger and acquisition is used in the energy sector. It has been found that during the period of 2014 to 2016 i.e. during the period of oil price drop; this particular risk management model has been applied and implemented to better understand the strategy of merger and acquisition within the energy sector. The merger and acquisition risk management model has been proposed for considering the risk factors that are present within the activities of merger and acquisition. The objective of this model is to maximize the scope of success in the activities of merger and acquisition by reducing and managing the related risks. According to Oskooe (2012), there are various types of theories and models within the risk management model of merger and acquisition. However, the primary approach of the merger and acquisition risk management model is composed of two steps. These include firstly, risk identification of the organization with the help of fish bone method and secondly, risk quantification with the help of Fuzzy-AHP method. It has been found that most of the organizations in the energy sector use the merger and acquisition risk management model in order to identify as well as manage the risks due to the process of merger and acquisition (Parrino, Kidwell and Bates 2014). It also helps to maximize the profitability of the particular firms. As per the model, the first step is to identify the associated risks based on internal and external factors of the organizations of energy sector. The fishbone diagram helps to identify various possible causes for each problem (Parrino, Kidwell and Bates 2012). Additionally, this structure can also be used for arranging a session of brainstorming and also to sort ideas into useful categories immediately. Therefore, it can be s aid that for the organizations of the energy sector, the fishbone diagram acts as a tool that analyzes the process of dispersion. Figure 1: General structure of Fishbone Diagram (Source: Parrino, Kidwell and Bates 2012) On the other hand, most of the organizations of energy sector adopt the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) with the merger and acquisition risk management model in order to quantify the risk factors that have been identified. This model acts as a useful and powerful tool for systematic analysis that ranks the relative factors and also indicates its importance. This AHP helps to link between the qualitative and quantitative methods and it also helps to solve the problems of the organization of the energy sector regarding its decision making (Parnell 2014). Therefore, it can be said that the implementation of this risk management model to the organizations of the energy sector will help to resolve all the complex problems by implementing the right strategies based on the internal and external factors of the firm. Examples of merger and acquisition in energy sector During the period of 2014 2016, many organizations under the energy sector have undergone the activities of merger and acquisition, the reason behind this being the oil price drop. However, it has been found that most of the mergers and acquisitions have provided positive results contrary to what was expected. For example INEOS has successfully acquired the U.K. North Sea Gas Fields from Deutsche Erdoel AG, Schlumbergerhas successfully acquired Fluid Inclusion Technologies Inc. and NuEnergy Gas Ltd has also acquired Dart Energy (Indonesia) Holdings Pte Ltd successfully (Ogfj.com 2016). Additionally, it has been found that Ameresco has successfully acquired all the assets of U.K. Energy Services Provider Energyexcel LLP during the period of oil price drop (Ameresco.com 2016). Moreover, the organization Camin Cargo Control Inc has also acquired Quantum Control Services during this period (Ogfj.com 2016). Therefore, from all these examples it can be said that merger and acquisition pl ay a vital role in the organizations of energy sector during the period of oil price drop. Benefits of merger and acquisition in energy sector It has been found that there are various advantages regarding the implementation of the activities merger and acquisition within an organization, especially in the energy sector. Some of the advantages of merger and acquisition are as follows: Firstly, the mergers and acquisitions help to pave the ways for the organizations in the energy sector to enter into the new markets. This activity also helps the organizations in the energy sector to add new product lines to the existing one of the firm (David 2013). Additionally, it also helps the firm to increase its distribution channel or distribution reach as this activity of merger and acquisition helps to gain a core competence to do more combinations. Secondly, the implementation of merger and acquisition to the firms of the energy sector help the management to enhance or increase the value of its shareholders. Thirdly, the value of the shareholders of an organization can be enhanced by implementing the activities of merger and acquisition by reducing the costs that are obtained due to the combination of operations, departments and trimming the employees of the firm (Brealey, Myers and Marcus 2012). Therefore, this reduction in cost in turn leads to the increase in the profitability amount of the firms in the energy sector. Fourthly, the implementation of merger and acquisition activities within the organizations of energy sector helps to increase the revenue of the firm by the process of the absorption of a major competitor. This in turn increases the market share of the organizations in the energy sector. Fifthly, the implementation of the merger and acquisition leads to the cross-selling of the services and products provided or served by the organizations of the energy sector. Sixthly, it has also been found that the savings of tax can also be obtained by the organizations of the energy sector, especially when a highly profitable organization gets merged with or takes over a money-loser company. Seventhly, the implementation of the activities merger and acquisition lead to diversification that can also stabilize the earnings of the organizations of the energy sector and can also boost up the confidence level of the investors of the firms (Berk, DeMarzo and Harford 2012). Eighthly, it has been found that some of the mergers and acquisitions take place within an organization of the energy sector, especially when the management of a business distinguishes the requirement of altering the identity of the corporate. Ninthly, the activities of merger and acquisition also help to reduce the risk of an organization or it can also be said that these activities also help to spread the risk among other organizations of the energy sector, such that it can be handled well. Tenthly, the acquisitions of the organizations under the energy sector are considered to achieve the horizontal and vertical operational synergies. These synergies signify that the entire one is greater than the different parts. Lastly, it has also been found that some of the activities of merger and acquisition occur due to the market dominance and also to reach the economies of scale. This helps the organizations of the energy sector to run profitably. Challenges of merger and acquisition in energy sector It has been found that there are several advantages of the implementation of merger and acquisition. However, close analysis indicates that there are also some challenges regarding implementation of merger and acquisition within the organizations of the energy sector. These include communication challenges, cultural challenges, employee retention challenges, flawed intentions, obstacles to making it work, accessing the corporate cultures, differences, legal and issues (Berk 2013). Recommendation On the basis of the above analysis it can be recommended that the steps taken by the firms to merge at the time of crisis is best suited to the situation and should be applied henceforth too. The past method of viewing mergers as scaling down competition at times of need has now changed. There is an improved perception among the managements that such a step would in fact help in mitigating the situation by improving customer sales, cutting down costs and by going beyond logistical or geographical boundaries. Such a step would surely benefit a firm to return to a much better position once the crisis is over, and as such is highly recommended. Conclusion Therefore, it can be rightly concluded on the basis of the above analysis and observations that mergers have resulted in firms mitigating untoward crises like a sudden and prolonged drop in oil prices, contrary to the belief that it would only aid in reducing competition. The various models like strategic and risk mitigation, to name a few, have further strengthened the notion that mergers have helped in the past and if conducted judiciously would benefit in the future too. Since risk factors like drop in prices or change in demand patterns are unpredictable, such actions should be planned in advance so that the firm itself does not collapse. References Ameresco.com. 2016.Ameresco | Ameresco Acquires Substantially All Assets of UK Energy Services Provider Energyexcel LLP to Further Expand its Comprehensive Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Solutions to International Customers. [online] Available at: https://www.ameresco.com/press/ameresco-acquires-substantially-all-assets-uk-energy-services-provider-energyexcel-llp-further [Accessed 26 Jul. 2016]. Berk, J. 2013.Fundamentals of corporate finance. Toronto: Pearson. Berk, J., DeMarzo, P. and Harford, J. 2012.Fundamentals of corporate finance. Boston: Prentice Hall. Brealey, R., Myers, S. and Marcus, A. 2012.Fundamentals of corporate finance. New York: McGraw-Hill/Irwin. David, F. 2013.Strategic management concepts. Boston: Pearson. Hitt, M., Ireland, R. and Hoskisson, R. 2013.Strategic management. Mason, OH: South-Western Cengage Learning. Lasserre, P. 2012.Global strategic management. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Lynch, R. 2012.Strategic management. Harlow, England: Pearson. Ogfj.com. 2016.Home. [online] Available at: https://www.ogfj.com [Accessed 26 Jul. 2016]. Olivas-Lujan, M. and Bondarouk, T. 2013.Social media in strategic management. Bingley, UK: Emerald. Oskooe, S. 2012. Oil price shocks and stock market in oil-exporting countries: evidence from Iran stock market.OPEC Energy Review, 36(4), pp.396-412. Parnell, J. 2014.Strategic management. Los Angeles: SAGE. Parrino, R., Kidwell, D. and Bates, T. 2012.Fundamentals of corporate finance. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Parrino, R., Kidwell, D. and Bates, T. 2014.Essentials of corporate finance. Hoboken, NJ: J. Wiley Sons. Pitt, M. and Koufopoulos, D. 2012.Essentials of strategic management. London: SAGE. Raimbault, C. and Barr, A. 2012.Emerging risks. Farnham, Surrey: Gower. Ross, S. 2012.Fundamentals of corporate finance. New York: McGraw-Hill. Ross, S., Westerfield, R. and Jordan, B. 2013.Fundamentals of corporate finance. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill/Irwin. Ross, S., Westerfield, R. and Jordan, B. 2014.Essentials of corporate finance. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Irwin. Shimizu, K. 2012.The cores of strategic management. New York: Routledge. Taillard, M. 2013.Corporate finance for dummies. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley Sons, Inc.

football, german Essays - Coursework Info, Modern Foreign Languages

Fu?ball Generel glaube ich, das ich geeignet bin, weil ich Sportarten wie Football und Tennis spiele. Ich bin weder ?bergewichtig, noch zu d?nn. Ich rauche nicht, trinke keinen Alkohol oder nehme irgendwelche Drogen, da sie vielleicht meine Gesundheit schaden k?nnen. Ich spiele Fu?ball 3 oder vielleicht 4 mal pro Woche und regelmig Tennis. Wenn ich k?nnte, w?rde ich jeden Tag Fu?ball spielen. Ich genie?e, es, weil es mich aktiver macht. Ich habe auch ein Fitnessstudio in der N?he von meinem Haus, deshalb gehe ich dort zweimal pro Woche, um meinen K?rper zu trainieren. Als ich jung war, habe ich immer an Sportarten teilgenommen, weil ich glaube, dass Sport f?r meine Gesundheit wichtig ist. Aber Kricket und Schwimmen mag ich nicht, weil es mir zu langweilig ist. Ich esse viel, aber ich ern?hre mich gesund und ausgewogen.Damit meine Ern?hrumg nicht zu einseitig ist. Normalerweise versuche ich, viele Fr?chte zu essen. Read more: http://www.coursework.info/GCSE/Modern_Foreign_Languages/German/Fu_szlig_ball_L3990.html#ixzz0lqQBX7zr

Syphilis essays

Syphilis essays Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are communicable diseases that are spread from person to person. Of the 22-25 recognized STDs, syphilis is the most dangerous. Syphilis has many symptoms that can be prevented and treated even after they go away. Symptoms appear 10 to 90 days after having sexual intercourse with an infected person. The symptoms are categorized into four stages, the primary stage, the secondary stage, the latent stage, and the neurosyphilis stage. The primary stage is characterized by small red painless sore called a chancre. The chance will disappear within one to five weeks, but the disease will continue to develop in the body. Next, the secondary stage is after the bacteria has been in the body it starts to produces symptoms like joint pain, swollen lymph nodes, nausea, headaches, and fever. The most highly common symptom is a contagious rash. The rash may appear anywhere on the body. The rash usually develops into sores that ooze with clear fluid. Then, the latent stage will begin after two or more years. During this stage the infected person may think they are cured, but they still have syphilis. The last stage is the Neurosyphilis stage which is when the bacterium begins to attack the heart, b lood vessels, bones, liver, and central nervous system. This causes damage to the tissue of the organs and possibly blindness or insanity. Preventing syphilis is very important because it can be life threatening. The most dependable way is to abstain from sexual intercourse. Other ways are selecting a partner who is not infected with a STD, having one sex-partner, and to use condoms correctly, but these methods can still cause a STD. Syphilis needs to be treated as soon as possible otherwise the outcomes can be life threatening. To test for syphilis, a Venereal Disease Research Laboratory (VDRL), a blood test, should be tested to confirm the infection. These tests test for the pres ...

Marketing Magazine Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Marketing Magazine - Research Paper Example These two subdivisions make up the whole BtoB Magazine enterprise providing valuable information to its clientele both in print and online. Media Magazine is tagged as a tool to connect marketing specialists with the most up-to-date game-changing strategies derived from the latest studies and analyses. The magazine is published monthly where â€Å"Every issue is filled with the game-changing strategies and tactics B2B marketers need to exceed. Every page and pixel is packed with substance - news, cases, special reports, technologies, benchmarks, best practices - served up by the most knowledgeable B2B marketing journalists to ever work this burgeoning beat† (ibid.). This also has its electronic edition where clients can subscribe instantly. Its online media is emerging as the most viable of all its products with the integration of its online version aside from print, webcasts by its roster of journalists, blogs updated daily, e-newsletters and online articles among other. The magazine’s current issue features BtoB’s Best for 2011, an annual countdown of the most successful in the business. The list includes the best marketers and executives who were able to achieve success in their campaigns as chosen by the editors. Each release contains articles tailor-made to benefit today’s CMOs. ... BtoBonline.com connects top-level marketers to the data and information that they need. This offers daily news, special reports, vertical marketing, calendars and media events, directory of marketing vendors, and the articles contained in their Media Business. Their media kit also includes Media Business, E-newsletters and events as well as their published rates for BtoB online. Samples for the size and where the advertisements may be located within the page are provided in their downloadable file in Acrobat Reader format. The position of the ads can be seen at the top of the homepage for Summit Media Group during the visit, a vertical ad on the right by Equifax, parallel to it is for AT&T and a smaller square box for mardevdm2.com at the bottom. For homepage advertising in open CPM of 728x90 their price is $115, 300x250 is already same price while 160x600 is $125. For Run-of-site in open CPM of 728x90 the price is $110, 300x250 also the same price and for 160x600 it’s $120. R oad block takeover or what is pretty much a pop-up 640x480 the pricing is a little bit different with the cost depending on the day or total number days. For a full week, an advertiser will have to shell out $6,000, on Mondays $2,750, Tuesdays $2,500, Wednesdays $2,250, Thursdays $2,000, Fridays $1,500 and for weekends its $1,000. There are also White Papers where on the BtoB Site there is a direct channel that will link the white papers to marketing executives by adding one’s white paper to their onsite library. This likewise enables the advertiser to retrieve the complete contact information of those who download their white paper allowing conversations. The one month program is priced Index &

Cognitive Behavioral & Reality Theory Case Study

Cognitive Behavioral & Reality Theory - Case Study Example He formulated the concept ‘automatic thoughts’ to define emotional thought processes that may spontaneously occur. iv. Reality theory claims that individuals view the world through their fundamental human needs along with their view of reality. William Glasser describes such fundamental needs as â€Å"belonging, power, freedom, fun, and physiological survival† (Weinstein, 2001, 75). The behavior of individuals is an effort to exercise control over the outside world in order to fulfill their fundamental needs. Glasser thinks that people try to control the outside world or manipulate it based on their inner beliefs of what the world ought to be (Sommers-Flanagan & Sommers-Flanagan, 2012). Since people determine and control their own worlds, they have the capacity to change. i. This theory is inappropriate for populations who do not suffer from particular behavioral problem and whose objectives for seeking therapeutic help are to understand the past (Sommers-Flanagan & Sommers-Flanagan, 2012). i. The therapist plays the role of a supervisor and mentor. Even though REBT counselors are able to form trusting, open-minded relationships with patients, REBT is an instructive model. Therapists promote modifications in thought processes, identify and explain irrational ideas, exercise logic to convince, and determine the unhelpful outcomes of irrational thoughts (Weinstein, 2001, 76). ii. REBT counselors give lessons, activities, and assignments for exercising new cognitive patterns. Essentially, REBT is an instructive or educational model with the objective of reforming cognitive processes; when individuals think differently they act or behave differently (Sommers-Flanagan & Sommers-Flanagan, 2012). iii. Reality therapists assume a collaborative function rooted in trust. They work as a mentor, director, observer, and adviser. Reality therapists recognize that every behavior is a truthful effort to fulfill needs, but

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used